INTERVIEW
“China and Russia are increasing their footprint”: How & why authoritarian states seek to exert influence through the media in Africa
26 August 2025
In an interview with PMA, security analyst Beverly Ochieng, breaks down the growing presence of China and Russia in the region and their influence on media in the continent.

The presence of Chinese and Russian media in the African continent has grown significantly in the last few years, with extensive investment made by the two powers. For example, China’s biggest media conglomerate, Xinhua and the state media channel CGTN have actively launched bureaus across the continent, offered journalists training, and established Memorandums of Understanding (MOUs) with African media organisations, based on content sharing and exchanges of technological best practices.
PMA’s Head of Content & Engagement, Harry Lock, spoke to Beverly Ochieng, security analyst with Control Risks, specialising in the Sahel and global power competition in Africa to explore the growing presence of Russia and China in the media landscape in the region. Ochieng is a former journalist who has worked in newspapers and for BBC Monitoring.
This interview has been edited for brevity and clarity.
HL: What is your current assessment of the media landscape of international broadcasting services across Africa, if we think about who the major players are, and what role they are playing currently?
BO: I’d say the major players vary depending on the region, the language, and the medium. There’s a general sense of recognition for international brands such as the BBC or CNN, VOA – if you’re looking at Anglophone Africa, but even across the continent. In Francophone Africa, which is when I’m based, there’s a lot of reverence towards Rfi, France 24. And then in Lusophone Africa, you might have the Luso Agency. And I think generally as a journalist, as a correspondent, when you manage to transition from using national broadcasters or local platforms to international media outlets, there’s a feeling that you are getting access to media outlets that have a lot of technology, high editorial standards, exposure, being able to build on capacity and diversity. And a lot of these media outlets are now heavily investing in local languages, or at least the more national languages. And [they are] using that international brand and recognition to be able to reach out to people in Swahili, or in Amharic, or in Wolof or in Pidgin, as a way of still building on an international brand, but also being able to get loyalty from people who are from specific languages and regions in the continent.

HL: How are audiences responding to that?
BO: I do remember, right before I joined the BBC, there was the big 2020 expansion and a lot of it was happening in East Africa and there was excitement. People were seeing text in BBC Pidgin, for instance. It could be a very serious story in courts around, say, what Russia is doing in the region, but it’s being said in a language that they understand, that they resonate with.
And, there was a way also of recording history and a way of being able to make people feel connected with what’s happening across the world. There was one journalist I worked with in particular who was translating and supporting the Amharic team, and being able to coin words that were more prevalent, say in English or in other languages, into Amharic, was quite a journey for him and being able to give these stories a resonance to people like himself. So there was excitement with this language expansion.
There’s an interconnectedness that comes with having these international outlets, but there’s also some backlash and criticism, especially over the years, as people start to recognise how they should be reflected in international media – so strong identity around colonialism, post-colonialism, international identities. People do criticise, for instance, the BBC, if they make comments around the continent, or they might be critical of Al Jazeera, if they make certain references to certain parts of the continent.
So it’s both sides: it’s the fact that they are celebrated for making an effort to reach out to audiences. But there’s also a sense of caution because an understanding that with that reach there is a need to be able to portray people as accurately as possible in a way that they are able to see themselves and see themselves represented.
Listen to Beverly Ochieng on PMA’s podcast
HL: Concerning the 2020 expansion and the digitalisation of language services, what impact has that had on the media landscape?
BO: Ultimately speaking, because these broadcasters are being funded by their own governments, then they will have a lot more leeway, or they tend to prioritise their editorial and their outreach, based on how they’re receiving funding and where those priorities in terms of media expansion is. But it’s quite a big gap when you look at many of the African markets where linear and broadcast media still dominate, where people reach out for news or they’ll be able to get their entertainment.
So, for instance, when there was the big push towards digital media, particularly with the BBC, [or] DW, [or] VOA, there were certain incidents that happened across the continent and then had to lead to a sort of rethinking of that strategy, the war in Sudan being one example whereby a lot of the infrastructure was being destroyed, and BBC Arabic had always been providing an understanding of what’s going on not just within Sudan and the Horn of Africa, but even across the Middle East, and this had to be retained because those audiences needed a form of reliable news.
But the shift to digital obviously means that a lot of audiences that still do rely on radio frequencies, on television signals, on things that are being reprinted in newspapers and other forms of broadcast media, will no longer be accessible to them. And in most instances, these markets may be filled out by other players who are now emerging in the region. But it also means that international, especially Western broadcasters, may lose a critical audience that is not urban, that is not peri-urban, that is still living a lot in the rural areas and they do still need reliable forms of information, which they’ve always been getting from a lot of local and international media outlets.
“There’s a way in which China and Russia are increasing their footprint through the media to be able to, not just in terms of directing narratives, but also being able to take up a space that is now increasingly being left by the West.“
HL: Who are the other players in the African media landscape and to what extent are they leveraging that opportunity of the gap that has been left by Western media services’ shift to digital?
BO: So I mean, even before the whole re-strategizing by, DW or BBC or VOA, China and Russia, and even Turkey more recently, have been building their media presence in the region. So China’s Xinhua, for instance, has more than 30 bureaus across the continent, which is much more than I think, even the BBC itself, which has quite a number outside. And that’s been a big rise in the last two decades or so. Star Times, which is a digital TV provider, has been able to connect a lot of people during the transition from linear broadcasting towards digital set-top boxes. Star Times distributed satellite dishes to about 10,000 rural areas in 20 African countries, which gives them access to digital media and also that Star Times package will come with a lot of Chinese programme, and a lot of Chinese media. And then China, both through the government and through media entities has been training a lot of African journalists, many from Kenya who I know, people who I was working with in Radio Africa Group, people who were working with the state broadcaster KBC, and various other broadcasters.
And this is replicated across the continent. So they received training in how to use digital media, how to be able to do broadcasting, how to be able to present the news among other things. And this tends to take place both on the continent, as well as within China. And these are not templates that are new. These are templates that already existed from Western media because for a long time, outlets like the BBC used to have talent reach programmes whereby they open up not just job vacancies for journalists who are based in the region, but also training opportunities, apprenticeship schemes, which then enable people to be able to get an understanding of the values and the output from the BBC or even from VOA. DW has a very big school in Germany where they do this, so they do have a template that they’re working with.
RT, which is the Russian state broadcaster, has been doing something similar. They put out a call out nearly a year ago for journalists on the continent to be trained in misinformation, disinformation, and they have been hiring a lot of local journalists, a way of enabling them to say the news from their perspective. And they also do receive training in Russia. Some of them have been covering the conflict in Ukraine, of course, using mostly the Russian lens. So, there’s a way in which China and Russia are increasing their footprint through the media to be able to, not just in terms of directing narratives, but also being able to take up a space that is now increasingly being left by the West.
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HL: What do you think is the purpose behind these practices from China and Russia?
BO: I think it’s one very effective soft power tool because then it allows them to be able to use an easy resource. And information is quite powerful: how you’re able to project information, whether it’s within the region or outside the region, and how you’re able to convey yourself and in some ways, earn some gratitude and at the same time earn a positive narrative across the region.
I can give you one small anecdote. This is not necessarily about media, but also just about other investments in the region. There was a point where the Thika Superhighway in the Eastlands region of Nairobi was being built, and I was in a taxi and the driver kept saying, “This is a great thing that China is doing, keeping us connected.” It doesn’t necessarily mean that he feels a very strong sense of allegiance to China itself as a state or a power entity. But it is sufficient for it to demonstrate that China can compete on a global field with various other entities. In a world where Hollywood, Netflix, would be dominating popular culture, there is still a space for China, Russia, Turkey, even India and, various other powers to still take up within discourse and in being able to shape that information. There’s a sense of building authenticity around the media broadcast themselves.
CGTN normally has an Africa focused broadcast, at around the same time as the BBC has its Focus On Africa programme. CGTN is about one hour long. They tend to go across various parts of the continent. They have a lot of African correspondents and stringers, and it’s a way of demonstrating that they do have the reach and capacity to be able to show you in diversity the region at the same time slot as another major competitor. It may be deliberate – it may not be. But it is a way of juxtaposing how those two news outlets are giving you a sense and flavour of what’s happening on the continent and how it’s authentic, or how it may not be perceived as authentic.
Another notable thing is when the military ruler of Burkina Faso visited Russia about a month ago, he was full of praise of Russian media for authentically portraying African countries and this is something that already works for Russia’s own propaganda and its output and its reflection in the region. It could be a way of also just demonstrating that they can empower media within the region in a way that the West is reducing in its own capacity to do so.
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HL: In your view, how nuanced is the content from CGTN programme focused on Africa? Does it feature an overtly pro-China narrative?
BO: Broadly speaking, no, there wouldn’t be like overt Pro China content. It’s not just about CGTN. There’s a Hausa radio that also broadcasts in Kano. Many times, they will start with all of the African content. So it could be the biggest story in the region. It could be something in DRC, which is obviously of strategic importance to them, it could be something in the Sahel. They will, in some ways, give narratives that won’t always make it to, say, Western media platforms. I was talking to a planning editor, for instance, with CGTN, and they want to do a feature on the Alliance of Sahel States, which everyone has basically written off as a reactionary institution, but this is an institution that could possibly be of strategic importance in the long run for China.
In terms of length, I think they do try to give it length and breadth, with its own Africa-based programme, giving it almost a full hour: sports news, business news, being able to have a range of interlocutors from the continent who are willing to speak to it. It is quite interesting because, by contrast with other western media like the BBC or DW, many times these are like half an hour programmes, sometimes they’re like magazines. And in the moment there’s a bigger story taking place in Germany or the UK or the US, that is completely cut off, which means their audiences don’t benefit from that, even though that is the main slot where they’d be able to get that. So there is a way they can capitalise on that deliberately, or not deliberately.
“I think the critical gap tends to be that, in as much as there is all of this development and infrastructure development in the media itself, it is difficult to contain misinformation, irrespective of which party is sharing that.”
In terms of who would be watching what, anecdotally, I think most of the people within my own circles and people that I know, will be frequently watching the BBC just to watch out for the programme, right? Because it is a legacy media. But they will also recognise that China is also giving this story some level of depth. CGTN had access to Port Sudan when no one else seemed to be able to broadcast from Sudan at the time of the war. That’s fairly significant. And for people who want to be able to see what certain places look like and what’s happening there, that’s quite important in terms of representation.
HL: From the perspective of the broadcasters, do you think there’s a willingness to engage with the international services of China or Russia or is there a form of scepticism around such collaboration?
BO: Because it’s beneficial, there is a willingness to, by working with state broadcasters, it means that they end up with sometimes better technology, sometimes better access to training and various facilities, upgrades to facilities as a result of those MOUs. And state broadcasters really do struggle from funding from the government, because sometimes media is not always the biggest priority, even though it’s a very important sector in terms of social development and interconnectedness.
And because a lot of this is being driven by the government, there cannot be as much resistance from, say, editors who are working in those outlets. They tend to just toe the line of the government. That is one. So it becomes very difficult to be able to get nuanced opinions from within on how that really feels like.
Of course, when it comes to private media, there’s a lot more caution because even though there are similar partnerships with private media, they would be limited to a particular space whereby maybe they might be having certain capacity gap. So like one example can think of is in The Star, they use Xinhua to be able to report international news, but not the national news. And that’s as far as the partnership goes. They also use Reuters and various other platforms, so there’s a cross collaboration which allows them backroom for flexibility.

Of course, if you look at concerns around whether it’s reputational issues, in particular would say Russian media outlets, and what they’re projecting of the region, there will be questions from media activists and some independent bodies. In some countries, those independent bodies are increasingly shrinking. For instance, in Burkina Faso, the Association of Journalists was dissolved because of questioning how the state was engaging both with local and international actors. So that’s way of cutting out that voice of criticism or concern around what these partnerships mean in terms of reputation, legacy issues or even [the] legitimacy of information that is being circulated in the region.
But I think even beyond that, I think the critical gap tends to be that, in as much as there is all of this development and infrastructure development in the media itself, it is difficult to contain misinformation, irrespective of which party is sharing that.
“In a world where Hollywood, Netflix, would be dominating popular culture, there is still a space for China, Russia, Turkey, even India and, various other powers to still take up within discourse and in being able to shape that information.”
HL: Concerning the defunding of Voice of America (VOA), which used to be a key player across the African continent, what impact would the gap left by VOA have on the media landscape? What is your prediction in this regard?
BO: There was a big sense of audience loyalty. Even before it was finally decided, there were concerns not just for audiences, but even for partners who have been working with the VOA on various programmes, like in Niger, there were all of these health programmes that would run in the Hausa language.
For a lot of the outside-of-urban communities, those have been greatly impacted. Partnerships with local media and national media, whereby they’d be providing training or they’d be filling in programming for various national broadcasters, that has been impacted. In Zimbabwe, for instance, medium transmitters that were transmitting all the way to Botswana have also been cut off, so there’s a lot of blank slots where a lot of local content, music, religious shows maybe need to fill in.
And then there there’s going to be financial ramifications because some of those programmes did come with some funding, which would be able to support certain programming or journalists or freelancers or stringers. So these people have essentially been left without work, without much training or without any sort of transition.
So in the long run, the media sector, which already suffers from advertising [and] funding gaps in many parts of the continent and state funding tends to be very limited – in some instances, the state can withdraw funding if they feel that the media is too critical. But when you have additional resources from, VOA and various other broadcasters, it means that you can have some semblance of independence because that funding did not necessarily come with any sort of caveat, or “you must portray, say, the US in this way,” or “You must portray the UK in this way.”
So ultimately, programming outages, which means critical sources of information for rural communities, have been cut off, whether it’s health, education and other levels of literacy. Journalists not being able to benefit from training, but also the fact that in terms of being able to build or rebuild community resources for there to be programming in radio outlets that then fill in this gap, it’s going to be very difficult for a lot of countries.
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